Congress is set to leave town for a weeklong recess without passing a Republican-backed measure to fund immigration enforcement for the next four years amid dissent from within their own ranks over a federal fund to pay people who claim to have been politically persecuted.

The near-term collapse of the legislation, which is separate from that reparations fund, came as tensions between President Trump and some Congressional Republicans spilled into the open over fears that the president’s focus on vanquishing rivals and testing loyalty could cost them in the midterms.

Trump set a June 1 deadline to pass the party-line immigration funding – but now his push for retribution against fellow Republicans may derail not only that deadline, but also additional funding for one of his top priorities, stringent immigration enforcement.

In the last week, Trump helped oust two veteran incumbents, endorsed a primary challenger against another and lambasted a Republican House member running for re-election in a toss-up district.

“Get smart and tough Republicans,” Trump wrote on Truth Social. “Or you’ll all be looking for a job much sooner than you thought possible.”

But Trump’s moves to rail against his own party could end up backfiring, not only in November, but if Republicans, especially members newly-embolded by a primary defeat, feel more free to push back against the president and his agenda.

“Maybe he doesn’t think he needs us,” Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, told reporters earlier this week. “But I don’t know. Last I checked, the laws don’t just appear before his desk to be signed.”

Pushback on White House ballroom

Trump lashed out as Republicans seemed set to exclude two of his pet projects in the immigration enforcement funding bill they are racing to pass this week: provisions from a voting overhaul known as the Save America Act and roughly $220 billion for the White House ballroom.

Some of Trump’s allies in Congress pushed to include that funding in the bill as part of a $1 billion allocation to the U.S. Secret Service after the shooting at the White House Correspondent’s Dinner.

Over the weekend, the nonpartisan Senate Parliamentarian nixed the ballroom money, ruling it didn’t meet the requirements for using the party-line reconciliation process. That prompted Trump to press Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., to fire the parliamentarian and end the filibuster.

Trump has made these demands of Senate Republicans before, and Thune has resisted them. But even before the ruling of the parliamentarian, top Republicans acknowledged there likely would not be enough Republican votes to approve money for the ballroom.

That became more clear this week when Sen. Bill Cassidy, R-La., fresh off his primary loss against a Trump-backed challenger, came out publicly against the ballroom funding.

Defeat emboldens Trump critics

Cassidy also provided the critical vote to advance a stalled war powers resolution to compel Trump to pull back from the conflict with Iran and slammed a new $1.8 billion “Anti-Weaponization Fund.”

“People are concerned about paying their mortgage or rent, affording groceries and paying for gas, not about putting together a $1.8 billion fund for the President and his allies to pay whomever they wish with no legal precedent or accountability,” Cassidy wrote on X.

A critical mass of Republicans appear to have agreed, as top Republicans delayed plans to vote on the reconciliation bill after Senate Republicans emerged from a meeting with Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche.

Thune tempered expectations that Cassidy would go rogue, telling reporters that, “Cassidy is a team player, and I think he obviously wants to see our team succeed.”

But Cassidy’s early comments suggest he may be more willing to join the small group in his party who have pushed back on the president more regularly — and sometimes have the power to alter dynamics in the Senate. Republicans can only afford to lose three votes to pass their party-line budget reconciliation bill for example.

“This president is going to have to continue to deal and work with and partner with or battle with this group of lawmakers,” Murkowski said this week. “Even though Bill Cassidy lost his primary, he is still a voting member of the Senate until January.”

While Republicans in Congress have historically been extremely reluctant to push back on Trump and often pull back after teasing a small amount of daylight, some recent moves suggest there are limits to that, especially with the midterms looming.

Consequences for the midterms

Murkowski said the mood in the Republican caucus grew especially sour this week after Trump announced he was endorsing Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton over Sen. John Cornyn in the Republican primary. Murkowski says that move could very well jeopardize the seat.

House Speaker Mike Johnson told reporters this week that Trump understands the stakes, but, “We need people here who are not trying to carve out their own lane and do something that is destructive or counterproductive to the agenda, that’s the message.”

As Trump successfully knocks out foes — not just Cassidy and potentially Cornyn – but also Indiana state senators and Rep. Thomas Massie, R-Ky., some members who just want to survive may be less likely to step out of line, even as Cassidy and others shake things up on their way out the door, limiting the cumulative effect.

For example, Cassidy voted to advance a war powers resolution to constrain Trump’s authority to conduct war against Iran, but there were several absences, and a final Senate vote will likely fail unless more Republicans join him.

Alaska Public Media’s Liz Ruskin and NPR’s Eric McDaniel contributed reporting.